The Postmaterial Party
The Postmaterial Party for Worldwide Equality is the catalytic agent, and engine, of my campaign for equality in the world order. I conceived it in the early aftermath of the terrorist attacks of 2001. I felt a need at that time to create an outlet for my political neologisms. In that creation, however, I found myself wanting to establish a more elaborate paradigm for future party movements.
My success in achieving these systematically-crafted ambitions will come with the party's structural mission's attainment. This mission, a revolution in the structure of human relationships, is premised on a governing scheme for structure without hierarchy, wealth without poverty, and equality across humanity.
I am pursuing the party mission from an Internet-centered operation that I refer interchangeably to as my World Party Movement. A cyber creation, the party, then, is essentially the medium through which I articulate my vision of an egalitarian world order in the tomorrows that follow. I, thus, am myself the party's principal source for direction -- its propaganda chief, media director, and prime leader.In spite of the entrepreneurial essence of this political model, World Party Movement is, nonetheless, an authentic political party. It is authentic by virtue of its purpose, the characteristic that distinguishes political parties from such pressure group interests as the International Action Center and the Green, New Black Panther, and Socialist Workers Parties. Inherent in this purpose is methodology -- a strategy, that is, for confrontational and indifference to life resistance.
As a political party, then, WPM's purpose is identical to that of all party organizations -- large, small, east, west, past, and present. This universal party purpose is a simple quest to get control of the government. In my particularized situation, it is a quest to get control, not of a specific government, but of all governments that would otherwise control me. The party's structural configuration, then, is designed for worldwide governance.
Postmaterialism is the ideological foundation to this governing objective. As such, it holds the Party's mission and its vision of governance together, glued one with another with ideals that embody a party platform and strategy. More precisely, postmaterialism provides a coherence to the system of values, methodology, and reality on which my leadership theories are mounted. The goal of my catalysis, then, is belief system advancement through strategic superiority.
The political design of this catalysis, or revolution, is
The party's ideological framework is the conceptual and tactical foundation to the cherished tomorrows of freedom. The planks upon which this foundation rests stretch across a broad sea of egalitarian-centered structural values. Equality in the world order rests at the heart of this value core. Quality of life equality and equality in the manifestations of law rest there alongside it.
The party's ideological value system, then, creates a pathway to the triumphant endpoint of my revolution in the structure of human relationships. The productive dimension of the structural relationships envisioned distinguishes this party's DNA from all past and present brands. For example, unlike the Marxist cadre parties, that placed control of the means of production squarely into the hands of a working class, my paradigm relies on equality in the merits of production as its productive spire. Universal employment and occupational rotation across careers are but two of its constructive imperatives.
A consequence of this merit-focused productive scheme is the party's self-perceived sense of its relevance. For example, in contradistinction to the ephemeral cadre parties, like the Democrats and Republicans of the United States which make party perpetuity the costly expense of their perceived level of self-importance, the Postmaterial Party for Worldwide Equality has been created with a plan for its ultimate irrelevance. For in the nature of structural equality, there evolves a sense of peoplehood that derides institutional dependency. As an institution myself, my party is indeed one alongside and with me on the continuum from relevance to irrelevance.
The party view of its pertinence to humanity, then, is revolutionary. It has no historical precedence. The point at which it succeeds must coincide with the embrace by all humanity of its entire value system. At the point of that embrace, the party's commission for operation will cease and vanish. It will divest and disappear in recognition of humanity's reawakening. And it will remain incognito until there again are departures from my structural standards for human activity -- i.e., from the foundation upon which we now arise from our prior, pre-Socratic, state of irrelevance.